Covering Crime and Justice Written and edited by
Criminal Justice Journalists
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Chapter 1
The Crime Beat

In this chapter


Introduction
About the Beat
Beat History
Crime Defined
Crime Beat Basics
   Editors
Beat Background
   Meet Key Personnel
   Tour All Facilities
   Police Training
   Shadow a Cop
   Look Beyond
      Sworn Personnel

The Arrest Process
   Arrest
   Miranda Warning
   Booking and Bail
   Arraignment
   Perp Walks
   Access After Arrest

'Bad News' Beat
Crime Reporters
   at Work
   Demographics
   Job Satisfaction
   Stress
   Personal Safety
   Twin Cities Examples
   Turnover and Burnout

Crime Beat Issues
   The Appeal of
      Crime News
   Fame and Infamy
   Interesting vs. Important
   The Public-Health
      Perspective
   Who Counts?
   Suspect Descriptions
   Tone and Taste
   Knocking on Doors
   Rights of Victims
   Sexual Assault
   Rights of Suspects
   Crusades, Crime
      and Context

Digging In
   Sources
   Board of Directors
   Police-Media Relations
   PIOs
   New Paradigm
   Access Limits
   A News Blackout
   Doing Our Job?
   Uncooperative Sources
   Source Conflicts
      of Interest
   Hoax Sources
   GOYA/KOD

Enterprise
   Money and Numbers
   Crime Statistics
   Be Prepared
   Twelve Questions
   Writing the Story

Evaluating Your
   Agency
Corruption and
   Rogues
   Lessons Learned
   Early Warning on
      Trouble Cops

Access and
   Records
   Rap Sheets, Prison
      Records, Mug Shots
   Access and Property
      Provisions

If You Face Arrest



     

Evaluating Your Agency
Consult outside experts about the reputation of your agency.

Is it known for doing something particularly well or poorly? What is the agency's patrol strategy? Is it reactive, depending almost entirely on 911 emergency calls, or has it incorporated proactive policing? How does its response time stack up with comparable agencies? Has it embraced community policing, problem-solving policing, the "Broken Windows" paradigm or some other initiative? Is it working there? What could be improved? Are commanders expected to stay abreast of police innovations and "best practices" research?

(Tip: Ask your news operation to assign you to accompany your chief, sheriff or commissioner to law enforcement conventions, such as the annual meeting of the International Association of Chiefs of Police.)

Stories also can be drawn from simple demographics, including gender and racial balance and average education of officers in your agency.

A Los Angeles newspaper recently compiled hundreds of demographic details and statistics for a snapshot of that city's police department. You can do the same for your agency. Click here for excerpts from the piece.

Comparative pieces drawn from demographics can lead to compelling stories about how your police agency stacks up against others. Consider such figures as average age at recruitment and retirement; average years of service at the various ranks, and job requirements, including age, physique and education.

Comparative salaries also can make for interesting reading.

Example: A recent CJJ discussion list query bubbled up these police chief salaries from a number of American cities: Indianapolis, $82,600; Macon, Ga., $99,000; Milwaukee, $116,000; Omaha, $117,883; Charlotte, $137,000; Phoenix, $157,414, and San Francisco, $178,000. Indianapolis, the 12th-largest city in America with a population comparable to that of San Francisco, had the lowest chief's salary in the comparison.

The website of an Oklahoma firm, http://www.policepay.net, is a good starting point for comparative salaries. The firm, a contract negotiation consultant, offers information about police wages, in addition to budget and personnel numbers. The firm's site can provide quantification and comparative numbers at a single source if, for example, you are writing a story about the relative pay of officers in your city. Click here for a policepay.net sidebar.

Corruption and Rogues
Remember that cops lie, cheat, steal and worse, just like the rest of us. Police scandals or stories about bad cops can be challenging but rewarding. Anecdotal and statistical evidence indicate increases in law enforcement rogues.

The FBI reported the number of law enforcement officers in prison increased from 107 in 1994 to 548 in 1998, and former FBI Director Louis Freeh said police corruption was of "growing concern to law enforcement personnel throughout the country."

A few examples:

  • In 2002, the U.S. Border Patrol acknowledged that corruption in the form of payoffs to agents was a burgeoning problem, even as America worked to buttress its borders.
  • In 2000, the U.S. Customs Service admitted that that many of its agents were being compromised by drug money bribes.
  • In Los Angeles, the Rampart police scandal enveloped 25 officers and fouled hundreds of criminal cases. Politicians have floated a $125 million price tag for lawsuits related to the corruption. The scandal, in which cops in a special plainclothes unit robbed drug dealers and planted evidence, came to light only after a cop was caught stealing $1 million worth of cocaine from an evidence locker.
  • In 1998, the FBI reported in a document entitled "Misconduct to Corruption" that police officials in each of 37 polled cities acknowledged serious corruption problems.
  • In the past decade, police corruption scandals related to narcotics have come to light in Atlanta, Chicago, Indianapolis and Washington, D.C., among many other places.
  • During the mid-1990s, about a dozen cops in Philadelphia were convicted on charges of stealing cash and property, planting drugs on suspects, falsifying reports, shaking down offenders and running a fencing operation. More than 100 convictions were overturned, and the mayor appointed a task force to probe the problem.
  • In 1998, 44 police officers and corrections officers were charged with protecting cocaine traffickers in the Cleveland area.
  • In 1997, six officers, including two police chiefs, were arrested near McAllen, Texas, for allegedly helping to smuggle more than 1,700 pounds of marijuana into the country from Mexico. That case was particularly striking because it happened in Hidalgo County, where, in 1994, Sheriff Brig Marmolejo Jr. was sentenced to seven years in federal prison for taking $151,000 in bribes from a drug trafficker.

Joseph McNamara, a Hoover Institution fellow and former San Jose police chief, says journalists too often make the mistake of viewing police work as a purely local concern, unrelated to what might be happening down the road or across the country.

McNamara, author of Gangster Cops: The Hidden Cost of America's War on Drugs, says the Los Angeles police scandal was part of a national pattern in which police officers see themselves as victims and rationalize their corruption: The entire criminal justice system is corrupt, they reason, so why shouldn't I get a piece of the action?

In his book Character and Cops, author Edwin J. Delattre explains that many cops fall victim to "noble cause corruption," a form of "Dirty Harry" Syndrome in which cops believe that since they are the good guys anything they do must be for the good.

Lessons Learned
Police screw-ups can come in many forms, some seemingly benevolent.

In 1996, Susan Sward and Bill Wallace of the San Francisco Chronicle reported that scores of cops who were paid extra for mentoring rookies had been sued or disciplined for serious misconduct, including use of excessive force.

Many police agencies use mentoring systems, and the program generally has been regarded as a positive step in law enforcement. But the Chronicle story called into question the lessons learned by young cops.

San Francisco's police mentors included a cop who "punched a woman in a melee outside a tavern, another who smashed his girlfriend's face into a windshield, a third who beat his stepdaughter and a fourth who shot at a motorist's car after an accident," Wallace and Sward wrote.

Among 298 field training mentors whose records were examined, the paper found:

  • 65 of the officers had been named in lawsuits alleging assault and battery or excessive force. Thirty of those suits ended in damage awards or settlements by the city.
  • 102 were named in lawsuits that allege police misconduct ranging from reckless driving to wrongful shootings. More than a third of these suits ended in cash payouts by the city totaling $1.4 million.
  • 21 were brought before the Police Commission on disciplinary charges, some more than once. Eighteen were suspended for periods ranging from 20 to 105 days.
  • Eight officers were charged with crimes including assault, drunken driving, burglary and soliciting acts of prostitution.

Early Warning on Trouble Cops
Every police administrator understands the concept of "problem officers."

In a 2001 National Institute of Justice-funded study of the phenomenon, authors Samuel Walker, Geoffrey P. Alpert and Dennis J. Kenney wrote:

"It has become a truism among police chiefs that 10 percent of their officers cause 90 percent of the problems. Investigative journalists have documented departments in which as few as 2 percent of all officers are responsible for 50 percent of all citizen complaints."

The three men studied the effectiveness of "early warning systems" for problem officers, a concept used in about half of America's larger police agencies.

The criteria used for identifying potential trouble cops should be of interest to journalists. As one might expect, such things as citizen complaints, use-of-force reports, firearms discharges, civil litigation, reprimands and suspensions are used. But other considerations include high-speed pursuits, vehicular damage, commendations and promotions.

The researchers wrote, "One disturbing finding was a slight tendency of early warning officers to be promoted at higher rates than control officers…Do some departments tend to reward through promotion the kind of active (and possibly aggressive) behavior that is likely to cause officers to be identified by an early warning system?"

This may be a good question for crime reporters to consider in the agency they cover.

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© 2003-2010 Criminal Justice Journalists

Created with the cooperation of the Institute for Justice and Journalism, the Jerry Lee Center of Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania, and the Center on Media, Crime and Justice at John Jay College of Criminal Justice.

 

Made possible by grants from the Ford Foundation and the Donald W. Reynolds National Center for the Courts and Media at the University of Nevada Reno.