Covering Crime and Justice Written and edited by
Criminal Justice Journalists
www.reporters.net/cjj/

Search by:
  Table of Contents

  Topics
  

  Text Search
  

Chapter Sidebars
  • Resources
  • Story Ideas

Chapter 2
Juvenile Justice

In this chapter


Introduction
Creating a Secret
   System
The Violent Few
The System As
   It Exists Today
Dependency
   Hearings
Delinquency
   Proceedings
Trying Juveniles
   as Adults
How Journalists
   Can Negotiate the
   Juvenile Justice
   System



     

Delinquency Proceedings
While much of the delinquency system resembles criminal cases in adult court, most states' legal authority for juvenile justice primarily falls under civil law. Suspected young offenders are called respondents, not defendants. Their cases are not titled "People vs. Johnnie Doe." Rather they are "In Re: Johnnie Doe" or "In the matter of Johnnie Doe."

Nevertheless, thanks to the U.S. Supreme Court, delinquent children have many of the same legal protections as do adult defendants: the right to an attorney, the right to remain silent, the right to confront accusers, cross-examine witnesses and appeal to a higher court. Adult defendants are "arraigned" before a judge usually within a day or two of being arrested. Adults also are entitled to a probable cause hearing, also called a preliminary examination, usually within 14 days of being charged.

In most states, police who detain a child suspected of a crime are required to take the child before a juvenile court judge as soon as it is practical. State laws vary on whether child suspects can be questioned without their parents being present. Some child advocates doubt that juvenile suspects can understand their basic rights such as the right to have a lawyer present during questioning by police. There is no hard-and-fast rule on at what age a child is able to understand, say, their right to remain silent.

Most juvenile detention centers follow guidelines on which children can be admitted to their facilities. Because juvenile detention is expensive, costing well over $100 per day per child, admissions are usually restricted to kids charged with serious offenses. For example, a child charged with armed robbery likely will be admitted but one charged with shoplifting likely will not.

Juveniles are not entitled to a jury by their peers (other juveniles). Most states allow jury trials for juveniles, but limit the number of jurors (all adults) to six. Some jurisdictions have created so-called "Teen Courts" in which juveniles who admit to non-violent and less serious offenses explain their actions to a jury of other youths who then prescribe a punishment. A real judge usually oversees teen court to ensure fairness and to make sure the punishment fits the crime.

If convicted – or in some states "found responsible'' for an act of delinquency – a juvenile generally faces three dispositional options. Juvenile court judges can:

  1. Warn and dismiss – lecture the child about obeying the law and his/her parents and dismiss the case.
  2. Probation – place the child under the supervision of court probation officers while he or she continues living at home.
  3. Commit the child to a government agency for rehabilitation services. Often this option includes placement in a residential facility such as a reform school.

In most states, juveniles are not "sentenced" to serve a specific amount of time. Convicted juveniles face a "disposition hearing." Delinquent youths can be placed in facilities and put through an often rigorous program of education and counseling for an indefinite period of time or until they turn 21. Case workers overseeing the youth's rehabilitation periodically report to the juvenile court judge about the child's progress.

If a child fails to cooperate with rehabilitation programs, case workers can ask the judge to "escalate" the child's placement from, for example, a non-secure program to medium or high security facility. If a child is making progress, case workers can ask the court to "de-escalate" him or her to a non-secure facility or to a community-based program. In community-based programs, juveniles live at home with their families while attending required counseling sessions, school and other programs ordered by the court. Sometimes children in community based programs are monitored closely through the use of electronic tethers.

Juvenile court judges decide when rehabilitation efforts should end and when a delinquent youth can safely be returned home. Since the mid-1990s, many states have adopted a system of "blended sentences" that allow judges to send a youth convicted of a serious crime to adult prison if the youth is not rehabilitated in the juvenile system.

Trying Juveniles as Adults
Most states allow serious juvenile offenders to be charged as adults. Sometimes those decisions are made initially by prosecutors. At other times, prosecutors ask a juvenile or family court judge to allow them to try a juvenile as an adult in proceedings that are called transfer hearings or waiver-of-jurisdiction hearings.

In transfer hearings, prosecutors must convince the judge that the juvenile or society at large is best served by having the youth tried in the adult system. Factors that are considered include the youth's past history with the juvenile justice system and whether he or she already had an opportunity to reform, the age and maturity of juveniles who may be too mature for most juvenile rehabilitation programs, the seriousness of the offense and whether public safety is best served by having the juvenile locked up for many years.

Child advocates challenge those assertions. A 1996 study of children sent to adult prison in Florida showed that those children were one third more likely to re-offend after getting out of prison than kids sent to a juvenile rehabilitation program for the same crime. Of those youths who commit new crimes, those sent to adult court re-offended at twice the rate of those sent to juvenile court, according to the study, published in the journal Crime and Delinquency.

Ironically, adult court judges used to dealing with hardened criminals often deal less harshly with a juvenile standing before them than do juvenile court judges because the judges know that adult prisons offer little in the way or rehabilitation, counseling or schooling.

Adolescents mature at different rates; a 15-year-old boy's appearance can range from a pimply-faced diminutive youth to a strapping football player with mustache and goatee. The law must draw the line between childhood and adulthood somewhere. Many states set the division at age 16, others at 18. Children cannot vote or buy cigarettes until age 18 and society does not consider them mature enough to drink alcohol until they are age 21. Yet kids aged 17 and 18 can be considered mature enough to be locked into adult prison for impulsive acts of violence. Many studies have shown that children who commit crimes have poor decision-making skills. They lack the ability to foresee the consequences of their actions. Most juvenile delinquents mature into adults who never have another contact with the criminal justice system.

A common mistake by journalists is to label any residential placement of a youth as "juvenile detention." Technically, detention facilities are used to hold a child pending trial and disposition. Once a child is found guilty and a judge or court referee orders placement, he or she moves from detention into a residential facility for treatment. Those correctional facilities vary from maximum security training schools operated by state governments to medium or low security schools resembling Ivy league college campuses that are operated by non-profit agencies.

Most states established juvenile "boot camps" in the 1980s and 1990s to impose a military style regimen of hard work, calisthenics and discipline on juvenile offenders. Yet many studies have cast doubt on their effectiveness in reforming youths.

Consider the purpose of boot camp for the U.S. Army or Marine Corps: to weed out recruits who are not up to the physical rigors and strict discipline of military life. With juvenile boot camps, the purpose is not to weed out kids but to impose structure on their chaotic lives. Boot camp operators may not know about a particular youth's unstable upbringing, psychological deficits or hidden medical problems.

When defiant kids refuse to do what they're ordered to do, youths are not kicked out of the boot camp. Instead, they are punished in ways that can be dangerous, such as excessive physical activities like push-ups or jumping jacks. Delinquent youths in boot camps have died while enduring such physical punishments in hot weather and without being allowed to drink water.

Many, but not all, juveniles who have been the victims of sexual assault become sexual predators themselves. There is a difference between the rare youth who is a serial rapist and one who is unsure of his sexuality and experiments with another youth under the age of consent. But under the law, both youths are guilty of a sex crime and in many states they face the prospect of being listed for many years on a computerized registry of sex offenders that is open for public inspection on the Internet. (In 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear lower court rulings that overturned sex offender registry laws in Alaska and Connecticut).

Treatment of sex offenders is costly and difficult. Some experts believe that a child rapist never can be rehabilitated, that pedophiles cannot ever be trusted to control their impulses. There are so many young sex offenders that most facilities offering treatment have long waiting lists.

There is no cookie-cutter approach to treating juvenile delinquents. Each youth requires an individualized plan to correct misbehavior, a plan that may have to be adjusted as counselors uncover layers of pathological thoughts and behaviors. By exploring the complexities of the juvenile justice system's rehabilitation efforts, journalists can mine a rich vein of human interest stories.

Continue to the next page in "Chapter 2: Juvenile Justice" >>>
<<< Return to the previous page in "Chapter 2: Juvenile Justice"

 

 



© 2003 Criminal Justice Journalists

Created with the cooperation of the Institute for Justice and Journalism, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Southern California,
and the Jerry Lee Center of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania

Made possible by a grant from the Ford Foundation