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Chapter 3
Reporting on Drug Law Enforcement
and Controlled Substances

In this chapter


Introduction
The Drug War's
   Rising Costs
What are Controlled
   Substances?
   Types of Drug Offenses
Following the Money
The Changing Face
   of the Law
Identifying Potential
   Contacts
Cultivating Your
   Sources
Think Outside
   the Box
Focusing Your Lens
Arrest and Trial
Translating Blotters
   and Calendars
Covering Arrests
   Preliminary
   Examinations

Procedural
   Differences
Other Crucial
   Documents
Making a Federal
   Case of It
Fleshing Out
   The Story



     

Introduction
The so-called "war on drugs" in the United States began nearly 34 years ago with a declaration by then-President Richard Nixon that eventually led to enactment of the federal Controlled Substances Act of 1973. Some federal drug control programs already had been in operation for decades, but the new Nixon-era package formalized and institutionalized earlier efforts, merged disparate federal antidrug agencies into a new Drug Enforcement Administration, and gave the entire effort a much higher profile. Nixon grandiosely designated it as a "war."

The increased emphasis on controlling dangerous drugs could be attributed to two factors, one objective and the other quite subjective.

The objective factor was a marked increase in U.S. users of controlled substances during the 1960s and 1970s, peaking in 1979 at 25.4 million, or 14.1 percent of the population.

The subjective factor was the apparent spread of a youth-oriented drug culture that seemed to challenge traditional values and pose a threat to the prevailing national culture. Drugs were popularly portrayed in popular fiction, motion pictures and television programs as closely related to counter-cultural political attitudes, rock music, left-of-center political radicalism and the movement for greater personal sexual freedom – all of which were anathema to political conservatives and targets for strident political rhetoric.

Widespread drug abuse is accompanied by an increased need for medical services (including emergency room visits for overdoses), premature deaths, workdays lost due to drug related disabilities and a variety of social welfare related costs. The National Institute on Drug Abuse estimates that the annual costs associated with drug usage climbed from $35 billion in 1975 to $46 billion in 1977 – more than 31 percent. They continued to soar until they peaked at $102 billion in 1980, and then tapered off until 1985. But by 1992, they had once more started to climb, reaching nearly $98 billion.
The most recent federal study, prepared in September 2001 by the Office of National Drug Control Policy, the total had reached $143.4 billion.

In recent decades, drug enforcement – stemming the supply of illicit substances and also treating and educating drug abusers – became an increasingly important and expensive responsibility of state, local and federal agencies. Measures aimed at controlling the supply side of the drug business had powerful allies among lawmakers and the huge complex of law-enforcement bureaucracies. Reflecting the public's concern over crime, these political forces were able to ensure that police and paramilitary programs became the primary weapon in the war against drugs.

Congress and state legislatures adopted increasingly aggressive programs to block the flow of illegal drugs into the United States. It started in the late 1960s with Operation Intercept, which was designed to cut the flow of drugs from Mexico, and included local and national marijuana eradication programs, proliferating U.S. Coast Guard and Customs Service interdiction efforts, and federal grants to state attorneys general and local police departments for drug suppression programs.

The movement reached its peak in the last decades of the 20th century, with the militarization of interdiction efforts in the Caribbean and parts of South America and the direct involvement of U.S. armed forces units such as the Army Southern Command's Joint Task Force Bravo in Honduras, which participates in drug suppression operations.

On the domestic front, state, local and federal task forces combined forces for marijuana eradication programs and formed local Organized Crime Drug Task Forces for a unified approach to prosecuting major drug dealers. The federal government also awarded millions of dollars in law enforcement assistance grants to state attorneys general and local police departments for drug suppression projects.

Governments at all levels passed increasingly stringent laws against the sales, possession and use of dangerous drugs, and federal sentencing guidelines were written to penalize drug users and sellers more harshly.

The Drug War's Rising Costs
The war on drugs is one of the few governmental programs that have not become the subject of cost-cutting measures. The White House Office of National Drug Control Policy says that the federal government is expected to spend more than $19 billion on drug control in fiscal 2003, up from $17 billion in fiscal 1999. State spending on drug suppression efforts has increased correspondingly.

The increase in penalties for many offenses has helped fuel the biggest prison construction boom in the country's history. And a host of government agencies that played no role in the war on drugs during the Nixon era have been drawn into the battle.

With the shifts in laws and the increasing attention to drug crimes by law enforcement bureaucracies, drug arrests in the U.S. increased 134 percent in the 1980s. Many jurisdictions sent a growing number of non-violent inmates to jail and prison for controlled substance offenses.

In an effort to speed case handling and avoid sending some defendants to prison, many areas began to experiment with drug courts that refer suspects to community based treatment programs, where they can clean up and get counseling for drug dependencies. In some cases, the courts utilize a form of pre-trial diversion that allows the defendant to avoid trial – and a criminal record – by satisfactorily completing detoxification and rehabilitation.

Drug courts proliferated during the 1990s, spreading to more than 42 states and several federal districts. Some law enforcement officials and judges doubt their effectiveness, while many reformers believe they prevent too many drug abusers from receiving treatment. In several states, the reformers have succeeded in passing laws that send first offenders directly to treatment programs rather than to drug courts, where they could eventually be sentenced to jail or prison terms. This approach has gained some popularity, because opinion polls have shown that the general public is losing its enthusiasm for the paramilitary approach toward drug control that has been stressed since the 1970s.

Voters in states such as Arizona and California have passed new laws that decriminalize many drug offenses and replace incarceration with treatment programs as the primary focus of anti-drug efforts. In 2002, the movement seemed to lose some of its steam. It succeeded in passing a drug treatment ballot measure in Washington, D.C. [later challenged in court], but lost a similar campaign in Ohio and backed marijuana decriminalization measures that failed in Nevada, South Dakota and Arizona, the first state to embrace a decriminalization approach to drug arrests.

As anti-drug efforts have expanded and become more complicated, media coverage of them has changed accordingly. Journalists assigned to stories about controlled substances these days are advised to have a knowledge of the legal system, finances and business, social policy, the political process and even international relations.

For a reporter to cover drug law enforcement operations adequately, a fundamental knowledge of some of the basic terms used in the field is required.

Continue to the next page in "Chapter 3: Reporting on Drug Law Enforcement" >>>
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© 2003 Criminal Justice Journalists

Created with the cooperation of the Institute for Justice and Journalism, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Southern California,
and the Jerry Lee Center of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania

Made possible by a grant from the Ford Foundation