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Chapter 8
Covering Criminal Courts

In this chapter


Introduction
Plea Bargaining
   Out-Of-Court Deals
Charges
Pre-Trial Proceedings
Motions
The Trial
   The Evidence
   Cross-Examination
   Closing Arguments
   Jury Deliberations
   Juror Interviews
   Sentencing
   Death Penalty Cases

The Appeal
   DNA Testing



     

Plea Bargaining
The large majority of criminal cases are resolved through plea bargaining. These resolutions are driven by prosecutors, judges, and defense lawyers for a variety of reasons.

Expediency and practicality are primary considerations. Judges want to keep their caseloads from becoming so overwhelming that the criminal justice system would grind to a halt. There are tremendous backlogs in many jurisdictions even though most cases are resolved by guilty pleas. If everyone demanded a trial, chaos would erupt. Judges prefer to dispose of lesser cases to save their time and efforts for the most serious matters.

Prosecutors often seek to resolve a case with a guilty plea to reduce their caseloads. There are other considerations. The prosecution gets a quick and easy conviction. That is a significant achievement, particularly in weak cases where the outcome may be in doubt if a trial is held. It is not uncommon for prosecutors to bring a plethora of charges against a defendant to provide bargaining room. In those instances, a prosecutor can offer to drop many of the charges and appear to be offering a deal. The ability to resolve cases has been limited in recent years with the adoption of mandatory minimum sentences as well as statutes requiring that a higher percentage of sentences—in some cases 85 percent—be served. Faced with a minimum, for example, of 10 years in prison and no parole before eight years, a defendant may go to trial rather than plead guilty for such a sentence.

Reasons that defense lawyers will attempt to resolve cases through guilty pleas include that they perceive the cases as losers or they are seeking a non-prison sentence—drug rehabilitation or anger and domestic abuse counseling, for example. Going to trial is perceived as risky in many courtrooms because one of the worst kept, yet unspoken, secrets is that a defendant who goes to trial and is convicted is assessed a “jury tax”—a longer sentence.

Typically, prosecutors are willing to give up something in return for a guilty plea. Usually, prosecutors offer to reduce severity or number of charges—resulting in a lesser sentence—to induce a defendant to plead guilty.

Out-Of-Court Deals
In some jurisdictions, plea negotiation sessions with judges are conducted privately in chambers. In some instances, they are held in open court. Mostly, the plea bargains are worked out between defendants and their lawyers in discussion with prosecutors outside of court. In most instances, an agreed upon sentence is part of the deal. Sometimes the sentence is a specific term or it be that the agreement calls for imposition of a sentence that is within a specified range.

A judge is free to accept or reject a plea agreement presented in court. For instance, Zacarias Moussaoui, accused in connection with the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist plot, attempted to plea guilty, but a federal judge rejected him, and questioned his mental capacity. In another case, a federal judge in New York refused to accept a guilty plea from a former employee of AOL accused of stealing more than 90 million email addresses because the judge questioned whether the defendant’s actions were a violation of law. In some instances, judges have refused to accept a plea agreement, viewing the sentence as too lenient or harsh. In the Enron case, a federal judge in Houston in 2004 rejected the plea agreement that prosecutors reached with Lea Fastow, the wife of Enron executive Andrew Fastow, viewing it as too lenient. By contrast, a federal judge in Atlanta garnered national headlines in 1992 in the so-called Iraqgate scandal, when he rejected as too harsh the plea agreement between prosecutors and a Georgia bank manager, Christopher Drogoul, who helped his superiors and federal officials illegally lend $5.5 billion to the Iraqis.

In many instances, a defendant will agree to cooperate with prosecutors in pending criminal cases or in grand jury investigations. Often this agreement is set out in a written plea agreement that will be filed in court, unless the entering of the guilty plea and agreement is handled under seal so that the individual’s cooperation is kept secret. Often, in federal court, there are designated conference dates where discussions are held on resolving a case without trial.

Steven Bogira, in a book “Courtroom 302” based on a year spent in a felony courtroom in Cook County Criminal Court in Chicago, provides an excellent primer on the art of negotiation and how a plea agreement is reached. Often, in high profile political corruption cases, the initial reaction of a defendant is a vociferous protestation of innocence. Over time, as the prosecution begins to lay out its evidence, a certain reality may set in that going to trial will be a waste of time and, more significantly, money. That’s when plea bargaining begins. A reporter can often find a good story by going behind the scenes to chronicle this shift from fiercely resisting a prosecution to making a guilty plea.

Charges
Criminal charges can be misdemeanors or felonies. A misdemeanor is a charge that carries a maximum sentence of a year or less behind bars and that is served in jail instead of prison. A felony charge carries a prison term of more than a year. Both can result in a sentence of probation. Federal criminal charges are contained in Title 18 of the United States Code. Each state has its own set of criminal statutes. Reporters who regularly cover criminal courts are well advised to obtain copies of the codes for information about charges, statutes of limitation, and sentencing provisions.

Pre-Trial Proceedings
The period before a trial—whether days, weeks, months or even years—is a time when prosecutors and defense lawyers maneuver to prepare for the presentation of their respective cases. Defense lawyers typically attempt to limit or preclude prosecutors from presenting certain evidence, arguing that it was illegally obtained or should be barred as irrelevant. This is also a time when requests may be made for tests of evidence or for requests of defendants to supply evidence for comparison testing, such as blood, hair, or saliva for DNA profiling or samples of their handwriting. The many different sorts of pre-trial proceedings can provide opportunities for a reporter to learn about the case and write about how the case is proceeding toward a trial.

This begins with the exchange of evidence between prosecutors and defense lawyers, a process known as “discovery.” Defendants are entitled to receive, prior to trial, prosecution evidence that includes police reports, grand jury testimony, laboratory reports, statements made by the defendants, the names of expert witnesses, photographs, financial records, evidence of wiretapping and other surveillance, and, most significantly, any evidence that might help the accused demonstrate his innocence. This is known as exculpatory evidence. Withholding such evidence by a prosecutor can be grounds for a new trial if such a failure to turn it over is discovered after a conviction.

The requirements for defense attorneys are not so comprehensive, although defendants are required to notify prosecutors if an alibi defense or an insanity defense will be presented and the identities of expert witnesses. Neither prosecutors nor defense attorneys are required to reveal publicly the contents of discovery materials, but pre-trial disputes over these materials frequently provide opportunities for reporters to learn their nature and contents.

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© 2003 Criminal Justice Journalists

Created with the cooperation of the Institute for Justice and Journalism, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Southern California,
and the Jerry Lee Center of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania

Made possible by a grant from the Ford Foundation